“2009 was not just another year. It started with a new Miguel Bru that was Luciano Arruga, and finished with a new Walter Bulacios that was Ruben Carballo. Police repression and violence grew to the point of taking the life of someone every 24 hours.”
Any student of Argentine history is familiar with the dictatorship of the 1970s and 80s, and the thousands of students, unionists and activists that were “disappeared” by the military regime. Victims were kidnapped from their homes or the streets, tortured and murdered, and their bodies never discovered. The episode is a polemic subject in the nation’s history, and an issue of national shame and mourning.
A subject which is less-publicised, however, is that state violence and repression did not end with the return of democracy in 1983. Federal and provincial police forces continue to routinely use extreme violence and torture against suspects and detainees in their facilities, which often results in the death of the victim. A 2008 Amnesty International report exposed Argentina as one of the 81 countries in the world which still routinely practiced torture and mistreatment against those detained in police custody or the prison system.
As in much of Latin America, this violence is directed primarily towards young impoverished males living in villas (shanty towns), and is not confined to exceptional cases; NGO CORREPI (Coordinators against institutional and police repression) claim that since 1991, 2,896 young people have been “executed” while under the custody of the Argentine federal police. The Argentina Independent set out to investigate this grave phenomenon; that of those “disappeared under democracy”.
Where Is Luciano Arruga?
On 31st January 2009 Luciano Arruga, 16, left his home in Lomas del Mirador in Buenos Aires Province to meet with some friends. He asked his mother for some money to do so, and when she couldn’t spare any change left to ask his sister, who lived around the corner. This was the last time that Luciano’s mother was ever to see her son alive.
The events of that night are disputed, but witnesses claim that Luciano was picked up by the provincial police, taken to a destacamento (an unofficial police station) located in the neighbourhood and beaten to death. Other witnesses testify that they saw Luciano enter the destacamento, and that they heard shouts and pained screams from within that evening. His body has never been recovered.
Since then his family have campaigned tirelessly for his reappearance, and the arrest of eight police officers active in the neighbourhood who they suspect were directly involved in his disappearance. Currently however, all eight remain at liberty, and indeed still work in the same area.
Vanesa Orieta, sister of Luciano, describes her brother as a typical teenager. “He was a young kid full of life and energy everyone in the family used to say exactly the same thing, that he was always happy and joyful. He was 16 years old, he was working in a factory, he had a group of very close friends who he loved going out with, just like everyone at that age.”
Luciano, however, grew up and lived in a villa and, like so many other young kids in villas for this reason was a frequent target for police harassment. Vanesa asserts that “almost all the youngsters in the barrio had problems with the police, they would be hassled and stopped on any pretext. They would stop them most of the time for what we call ‘Portación de cara’. Portación de cara means being stopped for being brown or dark-skinned… this, in popular imagination signifies that these kids are going to end up stealing and robbing. So the police have zero patience with these kids.”
Luciano was frequently targeted by police patrols when on the streets; “they would throw him against walls, onto the floor and call him ‘negro de mierda’ (black scumbag)” Vanesa says. Things came to a head on 22nd September 2008 when Luciano was beaten so badly he ended up in hospital – his family declined to make a formal complaint for fear of further repercussions.
Less than six months later Luciano would be gone, “disappeared”, leaving his family devastated, without even the small consolation of knowing what happened to their son and brother. It appears he was yet another victim of what is termed in Argentina “gatillo facil”; meaning trigger-happy in English, it refers to cases of police dealing with young kids from villas and poor neighbourhoods: they shoot first, knowing that due to the situation of their victims, consequence and punishment are unlikely to follow.
“Gatillo Facil” and its Invisible Victims
But why is this the case, why can youths apparently be murdered with little or no pretext so easily by the force entrusted with their safety and security? A recurring theme amongst families of victims is that police operate under a culture of impunity, and that due to chains of nepotism and corruption throughout the force individual officers will not be held responsible for these actions.
This chain runs from the officer who receives the initial accusation to the judge and government official that rules on it. Abraham Arce, 16, was killed outside a dancehall on 31st May 2009, allegedly by Daniel and Mariano Silva, the son and grandson respectively of current provincial deputy Gustavo Silva. “With the police here, everything is fixed and arranged for them when this happens. In our case nothing has happened, no arrests, no trials, nothing,” asserts Silvia Fereyra, Abraham’s mother.
Another factor is that the mainstream media rarely covers these cases in any detail. For them the insecurity of life in the villas pales into insignificance compared to the insecurity faced by “decent, hard-working” middle-class people – insecurity inflicted by these kids from the villas and poor barrios that is treated like a cancer in Argentine society. There is no sympathy for these youngsters as they are assumed to be thieves or potential thieves already. This is an attitude that filters through Argentine society, further dividing it along lines of wealth.
Even more menacingly, this impunity means unpunished crimes are fated to repeat themselves. Lilia Lucena, the mother of Diego, a 22-year-old resident of La Matanza killed outside a nightclub allegedly by the Buenos Aires police, claims that one of the same police officers that murdered her son was involved in the killing of Luciano Arruga, four years later.
The people fight back
Hindered in seeking justice through traditional methods, family members and friends choose a more direct method of pressure: the escrache. An escrache is a mixture of protest and public shaming designed to force silent collaborators into the open. I attended an escrache in San Justo, close to where Luciano disappeared and commemorating one year of his disappearance, as well as one month from the death of another local youngster, Ruben Carballo, 17 – allegedly murdered by police outside a rock concert after being brutally beaten.
At least 600 people gathered outside the police headquarters of the barrio, including families of at least ten young people it is claimed were murdered by police officers. A march around the station was followed by a sudden release of anger as victims’ families attempted to storm the building; heartbroken mothers, fathers and siblings yelled “murderers”, “gangsters”, “Mafiosi” and other insults at the police within, hoping to goad those responsible into absolving their consciences and providing some sort of explanation as to what happened to their loved ones.
Jesica Francisco’s partner Carlos ‘Caito’ Lopresto, 24, was killed on 28th November 2009, beaten and knifed to death on his way to play football. His killer, believed to be a local veteran of the Falklands/Malvinas War, remains on the streets and the same neighbourhood. When asked what she wanted to achieve by attending the escrache that day, her response was simply one word, which summed up the atmosphere of the entire afternoon: “Justice”.
The Fight Continues
To stop these tragic cases occurring in the future, wholesale changes would need to take place in the culture of the police and security forces; officers need to become more open and accountable in their actions, and not hide behind corrupt practices and secrecy in their everyday duties.
Currently however the political and public will to change policing and tighten control does not exist. The moral panic of ‘insecurity’ means the police are given more licence to act more strongly and decisively- ‘mano dura’, which means strong handling of crime and criminals, is a vote-winner for any prospective political candidate. Gabriela Boada, Interim head of Amnesty International Argentina, asserts that “the current climate of insecurity, what people read in the media about crime and the fear they will be next, undoubtedly justifies in people’s minds cases of violence and torture carried out by police forces”.
Further still, although the Dirty War is now some 30 years behind us, the legacy of such authoritarianism and impunity as enjoyed by the police then still remains in their everyday actions. Vanesa recounts one encounter with the police force that could have come straight out of the military regime:
“One police officer told me that there was no crime in the case of Luciano because he had disappeared, no crime existed. This is language, an attitude extremely similar to that used by the dictatorship when they were disappearing people.”
What is clear, however, is that the families and friends of the victims of gatillo facil and disappearances have no intention of giving up the fight. They will continue staging protests and escraches, writing letters and mobilising until their loved ones are accounted for, and those responsible punished.
For Vanesa Orieta at least, the solidarity between those affected by gatillo facil and those horrifed and angered by these crimes means the movement can’t be separated and destroyed:
“People have joined us in solidarity for the simple fact that cases like these touch all of us, not just the family and friends of the disappeared person. It reminds us of the worst crimes of the dictatorship that still occur under democracy, and this is a subject that makes a lot of people angry. This is why they are mistaken when they kill one of our kids; they kill one, and they face the anger and resistance of all of us.”
For more information on the disappearance of Luciano Arruga, as well as other disappeared youngsters and information on upcoming demonstrations and campaigns, please visit www.lucianoarrugadesaparecido.blogspot.com
The CORREPI website also has many resources about cases of gatillo facil, as well as transcripts of cases where police have been successfully prosecuted. www.correpi.lahaine.org (both in Spanish)

Here is a repost due to correction.
This article fails to address the real issue at hand, which is the systematic abuse and violation of the rights of the middle-class committed by most of those who live in the villas.
Where is the other side of the story? Where is the police’s account? Where are all the facts? What did truly happen? As any one-sided story, this is unfair and unbalanced. More homework and deep digging needs to be done on this story.
Connecting the Dots
In Buenos Aires, most crimes can be traced back to the villas. If you are an Argentinian, you know that is true. The villas, for the most part, are a cesspool of local criminals and immigrant groups they believe they deserve to be given free food, free health services, free money through subsidies, free education — and if they don’t get it, violence erupts. They will harass the average citizen, intimidate it, rob and kill you for nothing. Yes, they will kill you for a pair of sneakers.
Argentinians must stand up to this systematic violation of their rights — the right to live without fear of being assaulted, robbed or brutally killed on the streets. Enough is enough. The police and the government need to do more to protect those hard-working middle-class Argentinians whose taxes subsidize the lives of the villeros.
Unfair and inaccurate comparison
For those who like to make a direct comparison between the police and the military, they fail to acknowledge and understand what truly went on during the ‘70s and ‘80s dictatorship. The majority of the people, who were unjustifiably, indiscriminately and cruelly killed during the military government, were assassinated for political and ideological reasons. This is something completely different. This is about the social tension between the poor and the middle and upper classes – most importantly the middle class. This is about the immigrant communities and the average Argentinian citizens getting tired of having their rights violated, being robbed, killed, harassed and living in fear.
In this context, making a direct connection between the military and the police not only is ignorant and unfair but also inaccurate; it is a way of not taking ownership for the social damage caused to society by this group and not addressing their own problems seriously and responsibly.
Social Irresponsibility
This is an overt excuse to not take responsibility for the crimes committed by some of their own. The leaders of these marginalized groups, instead of victimizing their own, must educate their constituents and teach them that they cannot expect the country to provide them free food, housing, education and health care for which the majority of Argentinians – that would be the middle class — have to pay for through taxation.
Leaders of their communities must teach them not to steal private and state properties — as they do not belong to them. The average Argentinian has to work extremely hard to own a piece of land or buy a property.
Gatillo Facil: Shifting the Blame
The leaders of these communities must be held accountable for the crimes committed to the middle-class by those who kill ordinary citizens for no reason whatsoever, most of whom unfortunately come from the villas. These criminals happily trigger their guns at innocent citizens because they do not value life.
We’re the real victims of violence, not just them
This sector of the society, through self-victimization and under the pretext of human rights violations, is taking advantage of the taxpayers, patience and tolerance of the average Argentinian because they know they can get away with it.
These criminals commit atrocious acts such as killing innocent people just for fun, because they are super high on glue, or for pity things like stealing a pair of sneakers. While, I don’t believe that all people living in the villas are bad or criminals, most of the crimes can be traced back to those locations. If the villeros believe they are not criminals, they must then denounce and kick out all of the bad weeds that live amongst them and stop occupying property that does not belong to them, using and abusing our social services that we pay for.
Help me please. How typical is Adrian’s perspective among the Argentine middle class?
Hi Randy,
Unfortunately yes, this is an attitude that pervades through a strong section of the Argentine middle class, the perception that villeros and people from lower classes are in their situation through their own making. My parents recently visited here and on a bus that happened to pass a villa the (Argentine) guide took the opportunity to inform them that the majority of people that live in this fashion are drug addicts, welfare dependent and unwilling to work.
As to the first comment:
Adrian, I accept to a point your criticism about the balance of the piece. It is intended to inform an English-speaking audience about a phenomenon largely hidden by the mainstream media, English or Spanish-speaking. The story is based on the personal testimonies of people that have suffered the grievous lost of their sons and partners, and I have been careful not to present any of the allegations as “fact”, but the testimony of these witnesses and victims. I will say that I contacted the Buenos Aires Provincial Government to comment, but received no reply. As for the Police, they have refused to comment on any of the cases I referred to either privately or publicly. You can read an article about the insecurity crisis here on this website for the other side of the story http://www.theargentimes.com/currentaffairs/newsfromargentina/insecurity-in-buenos-aires-out-of-control-/
Connecting the Dots:
Having criticised my article for being ‘one-sided’, you then continue to recycle the bigoted stereotype that villas are havens for criminals and ‘immigrants’- are you equating one with the other? And without a shred of evidence other than the fact that ‘every Argentine knows this’. I am not so naïve as to claim that crime does not occur- poverty and inequality creates crime, it has been seen in every urban society in history. Most crime however, takes place within impoverished areas and not against the middle-classes as you suggest- in Argentina just as in my home country England, by far the most common victims of crime are homeless people, ethnic minorities and those on the poverty line. http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=124848 http://www.clarin.com/diario/2010/02/04/policiales/g-02133096.htm
Please read these two reports, two of hundreds available and tell me if crimes like this (and the lack of response) could happen in middle class areas.
But I digress. This is a deliberate attempt to deflect attention from the main point of my article; that innocent young people are being killed in police custody. The fact is Luciano Arruga was not a criminal; he was not accused of any crime when he disappeared- he was a 16 year old ‘man of the house’ supporting his Mother and younger siblings working in a smelting factory for $5 an hour. Ruben Carballo was not a fugitive the night he fell into a coma, he was leaving a Viejas Locas concert. The picture of the lady at the top of this article is of the mother of Juvelio Aguayo. Sr. Aguayo was a Bolivian immigrant that worked in construction in Buenos Aires and lived in Lomas de Zamora. Police broke into his house and shot him dead, in a ‘drug raid’ that found nothing whatsoever. Again, no crime, an innocent life gone. http://www.cambio.bo/noticia.php?fecha=2009-12-16&idn=12027
An unfair comparison:
I fail to see how this is an unfair comparison. If we are talking about the lack of accountability for the actions of security forces, the inability for victim’s relatives to achieve justice in the system and a culture that makes possible summary ‘justice’ without judicial process, the two seem rather similar. Luciano’s sister Vanesa Otolio suffers the same trauma of not knowing what happened to her brother as those who march as the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo. Juvelio Aguayo’s mother lives every day knowing that her son’s killers walk free just the same as those who suffered the same loss during the dirty war. Is it the type of people that are being killed now that makes the situation different.
Social Irresponsibility:
Not at one point do I attempt to ‘take responsibility’ away from criminals. This appears to be what you are suggesting- that because some villeros commit crimes this allows the police to kill anyone from these neighbourhoods without being held responsible. This is not how a democratic, free society functions. I condemn all types of violent crime- for me a 16 year old boy from a villa being beaten to death, a Bolivian immigrant shot to death in front of his family by police are crimes just as grave as someone shot in a carjacking in Olivos or San Isidro. You cannot pick and choose what acts are crimes defined on the social background of the victim, or if they have brown or white skin.
From my piece:
There is no sympathy for these youngsters as they are assumed to be thieves or potential thieves already. This is an attitude that filters through Argentine society, further dividing it along lines of wealth.
I think that Adrian’s comment fairly succinctly summarises what I was trying to say all along. Until this mythical class of ‘hard-working middle-class’ Argentines stops seeing those below them as from a different country and world than themselves, and realise crime and insecurity is a consequence of the lack of equality and social cohesion in society, shocking murders and atrocities will continue to occur, be the culprit a police officer, a car thief or whatever.