Mexico’s Government Secretary Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong (photo courtesy of Wikipedia)

According to a recent report in Mexican magazine Proceso, as the country’s residents grow tired of the increasing danger in the region, more and more citizens are creating self-made, armed police groups.

“It seems that authorities want us to defend ourselves on our own, so we will,” said Manuel Hernández, resident of one of the neighbourhoods with a self-defence militia. “We will make our own defence groups, and we will start making rounds in the communities to chase the criminals.”

The members of this particular Veracruz group said they recently made citizens’ arrests of three criminals belonging to the ‘El Barrio 13‘ gang, who were responsible for several assaults and burglaries in the area.

After the arrests, they handed the criminals into the Attorney General’s Office. Since then, the criminals have been released. The Attorney General’s Office said that although the criminals confessed to crimes, they were released on bond.

Citizens came to the state capital in protest of the criminals’ release, but were told they could not do anything to change the outcome. This is just one example of the lack of safety in the area that Mexicans are protesting.

Between January and now, there have been at least 14 self-defence groups developed in the states of Jalisco, Guerrero, Morelos, Oaxaca, Veracruz, Chiapas, and Michoacán. Reports show that in Michoacán, one of the most violent states in Mexico, at least 44 armed groups have been counted.

Mexican authorities have condemned these groups. In February, Government Secretary Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong said the Mexican state “Does not agree with the establishment of self-defence groups” in the country, news agency Púlsar reported.

Raúl Plascencia Villanueva, President of the National Commission of Human Rights (CNDH) also condemned these groups, saying “taking justice into their own hands violates the Mexican Constitution.”

Despite the condemnations by authorities, as unabated violence continues in Mexico, citizens will likely continue to develop similar armed groups.

Humberto Moreira from the PRI (Lalolafuente, Wikimedia)

A member of a rival political party officially denounced the former president of Mexico, Felipe Calderón to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague.

Humberto Moreira, whose son was a victim of the conflict between the Mexican government and drug cartels and was head of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) until December 2011, confirmed to AFP that he considered Calderón a “war criminal” and that he had taken the matter to the ICJ. According to AFP the document sent by Moreira to prosecutor Fatou Bensouda states that Calderón imposed “a state of emergency in which, far from protecting civilians in military operations, as is mandated in the Geneva Convention, the armed forces have systematically jeopardised the lives and physical integrity of the people”.

Felipe Calderón (Roosewelt Pinheiro/ABr, Wikimedia)

Felipe Calderón, from the Partido de Acción Nacional (PAN), won the 2006 elections and as one of his first measures upon arriving to power “declared war” to the increasingly powerful drug cartels of Mexico. Six years on the so called “War on Drugs” has been considered by many as a complete failure, having claimed the life of more than 60,000 Mexicans and the conflict spiralling out of control.

“My son was killed because of the crazy war of the irresponsible Calderón. Thousands have died like my son,” said Moreira. Moreira himself is a controversial figure in Mexican politics as he has been accused of corruption during his time as governor of the state of Coahuila in which the debt of the state went from US$200m to US$35bn.

Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto, also from the PRI, took over from Calderón earlier this month and has announced that he will change the security policy of the troubled North American country.

Tuesday, Mexico prosecutors formally charged three generals and one lieutenant general for “organised crime to further drug trafficking”. All four were held under house arrest since May.

Three of the generals, Tomas Angeles Dauarhare, Ricardo Escorcia Vargas and Silvio Hernandez Soto, were recently retired and General  Roberto Dawe Gonzalez was a commander at a military base in western Colima state. These were the highest ranking officials to be arrested and charged in the past 15 years.

These officials were allegedly protecting the Beltran-Leyva drug cartel.

Beltran-Leyva was started by four brothers in the early 2000s and was known as one of the most wide-spread and influential cartels. It was said to have infiltrated the Mexican government and Interpol.

The violence has increased since former president, Felipe Calderon, began targeting drug cartels. Approximately six years ago, he deployed the Mexican military into drug-trafficking zones.

Since 2006, it is estimated that over 50,000 have died in drug-trafficking and military conflicts.

Venezuela handed over a man accused of being a top Colombian drug lord and running one of the largest criminal gangs in the country to Colombian authorities on Wednesday.

Diego Pérez Henao was deported along with seven other Colombians according to Venezuelan Justice Minister Tareck El Aissami.

Pérez, better known as Deigo Rastrojo, was arrested in the southwestern Venezuelan state of Barinas on 3rd June. He was indicted in 2011 in Florida on charges of conspiracy to traffic cocaine. The U.S. State Department had offered a $5 million reward for his capture.

Pérez is the alleged leader of “Los Rastrojos” or the Leftovers, a violent offshoot of the Norte de Valle cartel that engages in drug trafficking, extortion, and murder.

Venezuelan authorities captured him as he was trying to escape by speedboat on the Masparro River which runs just behind the plantation he was living on. Pérez was posing as a foreman on a rice plantation with ten bodyguards pretending to be his workers.

According to the BBC Pérez is said to control half the members of the paramilitary criminal organisations involved in drug trafficking in Colombia. He is said to have 800 hitmen under his command. Pérez is a suspect in 66 homicide cases in Colombia and is also thought to be involved with other crimes including kidnappings for extortion.

Pérez was a member of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, Latin America’s largest leftist rebel band, and was recruited by Wilber Varela, a leader of Norte del Villa. He is suspected of being responsible for the killing of Varela in the western Venezuelan city of Merida.

Pérez reportedly became the leader of the Rastrojos after the previous leader, Javier Antonio Calle Serna, surrendered to US authorities last year.

At the time of Pérez’s capture, Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos called it one of the biggest recent blows against drug trafficking. Santos has made the fight against drug gangs one of his priorities during his time in office.

Muricio Santoyo, the retired Colombian police general indicted in the United States on drug-related charges, has turned himself in to the US Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA).

Santoyo has been accused of helping both the Office of Envigado drug cartel and the right-wing paramilitary group United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia (AUC) to smuggle cocaine from Colombia to the United States by way of Central America and Mexico.

The U.S. indictment accuses the former general of accepting large bribes from both organisations in exchange for information.

While serving as head of security for former Colombian president Álvaro Uribe, Santoyo allegedly provided the groups with information about upcoming intelligence operations organized by Colombia, the U.S. and the U.K.

Santoyo  served as head of security during the Uribe’s first term as president, from 2002 to 2006. The former president has stated that he never heard any rumours that the general was involved with drug trafficking.

The U.S. indictment also accuses the former general of assisting corrupt police in aiding the paramilitary groups, and of providing drug traffickers with Colombian intelligence about members of rival cartels that were later found dead.

Leaders of both the Office of Envigado – which was founded in the 1980s by Pablo Escobar – and the now-dissolved AUC have been extradited to the United States on drug-related charges. AUC heads Salvatore Mancuso, Juan Carlos “El Tusco” Sierra and Carlos Mario Jiménez – also known as “Macaco”  – have accused Santoyo  of involvement in drug trafficking.

The U.S. indictment was issued on 25th May. Just over a month later, on 26th June, U.S. Federal Judge Rawles T. Jones Jr. called for the general’s immediate arrest. A Colombian prosecutor stated this past Monday that there was still no order out that would require the extradition of the general.

Director of the Colombian National Police José Roberto León Riaño called for the general to “present himself to North American judicial authorities” and to “be sensible”.

Uribe also called for his former chief of security to turn himself in; the former president issued his request via Twitter: “General Santoyo  should present himself to the judge and help Colombia avoid the embarrassment of having to extradite a General of the Republic”.

This past weekend, Santoyo  and his defence attorney, Richard Díaz, met to negotiate with the DEA.

Yesterday, Santoyo turned himself in voluntarily to DEA officials in Bogota.

As part of the negotiations, the former general agreed to offer U.S. authorities information that could potentially implicate other Colombian officials in drug trafficking activities. The DEA has stated, however, that at present Santoyo  is the only high ranking Colombian official being investigated for drug-related charges.

Santoyo  left Colombia at 8am yesterday morning and flew to Dulles International Airport near Washington, D.C.

He will be tried in the federal court of Alexandria, Virginia. The former general’s first court appearance before Federal Judge Rawles T. Jones Jr will be this Thursday 5th July.

Bolivia is in the grip of Colombian drug cartels, Colombian foreign affairs minister Maria Angela Holguín confirmed yesterday as she signed a bilateral agreement with Bolivian President Evo Morales.

“We know of the presence of drug cartels in Bolivia,” Holguin told reporters in the Bolivian city of Tiquipaya, where the annual meeting of the Organization of American States (OAS) just closed.

“It is a general assumption. I can not say exactly who they are,” she added. The statement of the Colombian politician contradicts Bolivian reports on the issue, which deny the existence of Colombian, Mexican or Brazilian cartels in the country.

Holguín also said that Colombian organised crime displacement is due to the successful policies carried out by President Santos’ administration.

“Our success is harmful to others, because at the same time that progress is made in Colombia, drug trafficking spreads to other countries.”

Holguin signed a bilateral agreement designed to fight organised crime and drug trafficking known as the “two plus two mechanism” with her Bolivian counterpart, David Choquehuanca. It will involve a tighter cooperation between the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security Ministries in the two countries.

“This fight is a regional struggle. No country alone can [win] against these [criminal] networks,” she told reporters.

According to UN figures, Bolivia is the third largest producer of cocaine after Peru and Colombia. The latest report from the agency indicates that over 31,000 hectares of coca crops are cultivated in Bolivia, 12,000 of which are intended for chewing, ritual or medical purposes.

Journalists protest against rising violence during march in Mexico (Photo courtesy the Knight Foundation)

On the 3^rd of May, as the world celebrated Freedom of the Press Day, three journalists were found dead in Mexico. The mutilated bodies of photographers Gabriel Huge, Esteban Rodríguez, and Guillermo Luna were found in Veracruz state chopped up and discarded in a canal, the complete disregard for human life on full display for the world to see.

Just five days ago the body of Marco Antonio Ávila García was discovered in Ciudad Obregón, north-western Mexico. Strangled and wrapped in a plastic bag, the crime reporter was victim to an increasing trend that has been sweeping the Latin American country. His fault? Telling the truth.

Criminal Oppression

García was the fourth journalist this month to be found murdered in Mexico, a tactic being used by organised crime gangs to install fear in press who are speaking out and reporting on crime. As the intensity of the fighting between organised crime groups and government forces has increased, the tolerance of journalist’s reporting has waned. These journalists have been killed with the same brutality as the crime cartels are treating each other, showing the level of threat the gangs consider freedom of press to be.

Speaking to Carlos Martín Lauría, Senior Coordinator for the Americas at the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), he considers this violence to be one of two major issues with the freedom of press in Latin America. CPJ is a non-profit organisation that was set up in 1981, while many Latin American countries were still ruled by dictatorships, and which has ardently covered threats to, and fought for, freedom of press in the world.

A poster of Alfredo Villatoro, found dead last week

“One problem [with media freedom in Latin America] is the violence against press where organised groups have increased their pressure on journalists reporting on trafficking, corruption and crime.” Lauría states. “They are being specifically targeted.”

“Mexico right now is probably the worse case scenario,” He continues. “The country has become one of the worst places for journalists to work, not only in the hemisphere, but also around the world.” Since the Felipe Calderón government took office in 2006, and started an offensive against organised crime, levels of violence have increased at a rapid pace. This violence has also been directed at members of the press, who tirelessly work to expose gang exploits, while also acting as a watchdog for army forces – since then, 45 journalists have been murdered.

Similar attacks have occurred in Honduras and Northern Guatemala, areas that have been increasingly deteriorating due to the heightened presence of the drug trafficking gangs. In Honduras, journalists Alfredo Villatoro and Erick Martínez Avíla were both found dead in the last few weeks. Villatoro, who worked for the news station HRN, was kidnapped on the 9^th May. His body was found, with shots to the head on the 15^th. According to the International Press Institute, Villatoro was the 23^rd journalist to be killed in the Central American country since the coup d’état that overthrew President Manuel Zelaya in 2009. This year, despite the fact Honduras has 7% of Mexico’s population, the same number of journalists have been killed in both countries.

Lauría hints that part of the violence in Central America is intrinsically linked to their northern neighbour. ”The presence of Mexican cartels can be felt now in Central America, especially in northern Guatemala, where the criminal cartel organisation known as the Zetas is having a big presence. Also in Honduras, the presence of the cartels is creating a lot of problems as that is the place where there has been the most murders, per ratio, according to UN reports.”

Honduras has the additional problem of a government that is not entirely committed to bringing justice to these killings. Lauría describes a CJP report in which the NGO “are calling on the government to break the acts of impunity that surround all these investigations.”

So does this mean there is no hope for journalists while organised crime is widespread in the area? “We know there is no magic solution, but we still need to ensure freedom of expression,” says Lauría.

Journalists are ill prepared in their fight against organised crime, but will not be silenced either. (Photos courtesy of Knight Foundation)

 The Pen is Sharper than the Sword

Despite the continuing violence, journalists and support networks are making a stand for themselves, and for their work. CPJ and other press support organisations continually lobby for international organisations to pressure governments for change. CPJ has travelled to Honduras and Mexico in recent years to compile reports on stifling of press and present them to the UN Council on Human Rights to demand for change. On Friday in Honduras, a march organised by the Colegio de Periodistas de Honduras will take place across the country, in a stand against the killings, and general intimidation of press.

A recent study by Reporters Without Borders asked if journalists are best prepared against organised crime, with an answer a resounding ‘no’.

“It is clear from this report that the media are not united against organised crime, their correspondents are isolated and lack resources, and their capacity for investigative reporting is eclipsed by the race for breaking news,” the report claims.

Reporters Without Borders, another NGO which monitors and advocates for global press freedom, released the report claiming that they believe the way for journalists to combat this violence is for them to strategically work together, especially in countries where the governments might not be reliable enough.

Journalists should be “pooling information and sources,” while calling “for the creation of journalists’ associations that can help to guarantee the independence of their media and prevent murky financial interests from influencing editorial choices.”

Both Sides of the Law

But it is not just the extremity of the violence that is stifling freedom of press in Latin America. Below the headline grabbing aggressive tactics of the cartels, there is a culture of soft censorship that is threatening the freedom of press in a less explicit way.

“The second problem [with freedom of press] is the fact that some democratically elected leaders in Latin America are practising unconstitutional methods in an attempt to stifle press,” Lauría warns. “Venezuela is perhaps the most stark example of this, followed by Ecuador and Nicaragua.”

In the case of Ecuador, back in February, the high court decided to uphold a criminal libel conviction brought against newspaper El Universo by President Rafael Correa. The leader of the South American country filed a lawsuit against the paper after they published a column by journalist Emilio Palacio, criticising Correa and his treatment of the police uprising in March 2011. In a column titled ‘No to Lies’, Palacio referred to the president as a ‘dictator’ and blamed the action of the army troops, who killed three police officers during protests, on Correa. The court decided the paper had to pay US$40 million in damages and sentenced Palacio and the three owners of the paper to prison for three years. Palacio has since filed for political asylum in the United States.

Journalists Protest against rising violence during March in Mexico (Photos courtesy of Knight Foundation)

“This demonstrates that you can prosecute not only the clowns, but also the owner of the circus,” said Correa in response to the decision. He argues that the press organisations in Ecuador are corrupt and run by biased opposition parties, who funded El Universo, and who should not be allowed to “buy a printing press.”

After the case Lauría released a statement saying that “this short-sighted ruling will only keep Ecuadoran journalists from investigating powerful politicians; it represents a serious setback for democracy in Ecuador.” In reference to this case, he says that although Correa has since pardoned Palacio and El Universo, it was only due to international pressure. “It’s for the international community to be aware that this censorship has been going on.”

In Ecuador, the conflict between the press and the government has been intensifying in the lead up to the 2013 presidential election. Standing by his previous assertion that the press are too powerful and corrupt, the president has stood by his decision to change an electoral law, which will limit press coverage of the event. Critics of the press in Ecuador argue that their influence is too politically motivated and that they have unleashed a self-serving campaign against the government in order to suit their own economic interests.

In the case of violent attacks on journalists, the government has a role, however effective it may be, which is to stand up for the press. When it is the government itself threatening the freedom, NGOs such as CPJ, Amnesty International, Reporters Without Borders, and many others make it their job to bring these cases to media attention.

Lauría argues that a constant spotlight on exploitation of the outlets of speech is the key to ensuring a more open flow of information. “It is up to inter-governmental institutions like to Organisation of American States (OAS) to protect freedom of expression.”

The UN declaration for Freedom of Press Day clearly states, that “freedom of information is a fundamental human right.”

Across Latin America the free state of the press has improved significantly within the last decades. But while acts of aggression, be they legal or physical, are exercised on journalists, the level of threat remains unacceptable.

As Carlos Lauría so conclusively puts it, “what is being affected is more than the right for journalists to report the news, but also the rights of freedom of expression and access to information.”

To find out what Argentines think about the state of freedom of the press in Latin America, click here.

Thirteen police officers were arrested yesterday after a shootout between military and a group of civilians killed 12 people earlier that morning.

The news outlet Milenio in Mexico City reported that the Ministry of National Defense released a statement, which said military troops doing ground patrols were attacked by an unknown number of people suspected of involvement in organised crime.

The release also stated that 10 attackers and two soldiers died in the clash, which took place in Bamoa station, in the municipality of Guasave, Sinaloa.

According to the north Mexico news outlet Vanguardia, the army seized 14 rifles, four handguns, a grenade launcher, four 40mm-caliber grenades, 95 magazines of various calibres, 1,600 cartridges of different calibers, uniforms and four vehicles (one semi-shielded).

The outlet also notes that the 13 arrested officers were taken to the Attorney General’s Office to give their statements. The office has not made an official statement as to whether the officers are still being detained.

About 50,000 people have died in Mexico from drug-related violence since President Felipe Caldarón began a cartel and trafficking crackdown in 2006. The northwestern state Sinaloa has been one of the most dangerous places in the country.

Juan Manuel Santos, President of Colombia and María Angela Holguín, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Colombia at the Sixth Summit of the Americas in Cartagena, Colombia (Photo: OAS)

Last week the largest meeting between Latin American heads of state took place in Cartagena, Colombia. In anticipation of this meeting, there was one major topic on everyone’s minds – the apparent failure of the war on drugs. From this meeting, a rather disappointing brush aside ‘concluded’ the conversation.

As a conclusion of The Summit of the Americas, the Organisation of American States (OAS) ordered an investigation into the war on drugs, declaring that “in confronting the vast resources and violent and corrupting effects of drug trafficking, simply combining uncoordinated efforts—even those that have been successful—has only had a limited impact on the world drug problem, and therefore it is necessary to identify effective measures on the basis of an integrated and balanced approach.”

No more, no less, just that it will be looked at. But for the countries most affected by drug problems, this may not be enough. Extremely serious problems call for radical solutions, and Central America is now demanding that the continent hears its plea.

A Serious Debate

In the lead up to, and in anticipation of the Summit, the Guatemalan President Otto Pérez Molina expected slightly more. In an article he wrote in Britain’s Observer newspaper, the right-wing president, who is in charge of one of the most drug-affected countries in the world, came forward and controversially proposed the regulated legalisation of drugs.

“Isn’t it true that we have been fighting the war on drugs these past two decades?” he asked. “Then, how on earth is drug consumption higher and production greater and why is trafficking so widespread?”

His answer? The war on drugs is not working.

This is not a new concept, far from it. But the difference is that leaders and powerful figures all around the world are beginning to take the debate about finding an alternative method to the ‘war on drugs’ seriously. Particularly vocal are those who are experiencing the drug wars first-hand. And at the moment, Central American countries are doing the experiencing more than most.

“[Central America is] just a small territory that happens to find itself geographically between the largest drug consumption markets and the largest drug producers,” said Pérez Molina summing up their predicament.

As victims of geography, other Central American governments are also arguing against global policy, which remains the same, as their countries are crumbling. Maurico Funes, the president of El Salvador in recent weeks declared he shares Pérez Molina’s position, adding, “it is not just an initiative for Guatemala.” Laura Chinchilla, President of Costa Rica also agreed that Central American leaders “have the right to discuss [legalisation] as we are paying a very high price.”

Central America and the ‘Balloon Effect”

Central American states are feeling an urgency of survival, pushing them to come forward in this debate.

Mexico is the 12th largest economy in the word, yet everyday there are reports of people being killed from the drug violence. The effect is even stronger on much smaller Honduras – which has the largest homicide rate in the world, with prisons that are virtually lawless. Or Guatemala, which aside from now having a murder rate higher than during their civil war, is dealing with the Mexican Zeta and Sinaloa drug gangs, preferring to pay locals in drugs rather than cash, bringing on a whole new dimension of problems. In all, a UN 2011 Global Study found that Central American countries are near “breaking point” with their levels of homicide.

Another UN report from the Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) warned that in 2010 Central American countries had for the first time become major transit countries for drug trafficking. But it has been a long road of squeezing to fit into that place.

US Coast Guard proudly displays a drug bust haul in the war on drugs. (Photo: Coast Guard News)

In 1971, US President Richard Nixon decided put an end to “public enemy number #1” and declared a war on drugs. Since then, the United States, the world’s largest consumer of drugs, has spent over US$1 trillion on fighting this war at the root, instead of focusing on treatment at home. In 2010 alone, the bill was US$51bn, yet according to the UNODC, the number of drug users has risen from 18 millions to some 210 millions in the last 10 years.

In 1989 the problem was Colombia. There, drug gangs were so strong they were running alongside the state as a parallel economy. Along came the United States with ‘Plan Colombia’, and a full on assault ensued. Aerial spraying crops and the army ‘taking on’ the drug gangs ended with lower levels of coca cultivation (the leaf which cocaine is extracted from) and a much less powerful drug-gang network. It also left thousands of locals injured and even dead from the chemicals sprayed in the air, heightened cultivation levels in neighbouring Peru and Bolivia, and countless murdered and displaced by army atrocities.

Closing the trafficking routes through the Caribbean by the United States coastguard just drove traffickers overland and through Central America. It is no coincidence that since Colombia has improved, Mexico’s drug situation has declined. And again, no big coincidence that since Felipe Calderón’s government started to fight back against the drug gangs in 2006, levels of drug related violence have increased in Guatemala and other Central American countries.

Danny Kushlick, from UK-based international NGO Transform Drug Policy Foundation, explains that “any victories against the cartels in one area only serve to squeeze the gangs into new territory.” It is a metamorphosing organ, like trapped air, just looking for the next space to move into, in what is aptly named ‘the balloon effect’.

“Many of the states [in Central America] are not robust enough to withstand the onslaught and their very existence is brought into question. This threat to security, and ultimately to the viability of nation states, has brought the crisis in the region to a crescendo,” says Kushlick.

'No al narcotrafico' leads the Global Marijuana March for the legalization of marijuana that was held in Buenos Aires in May 2011. (Photo: Joe Rondone)

Legalisation or Decriminalisation?

The topic of legalising of drugs is for many an extremely controversial one. But experts argue that different forms should be considered, from legalisation, to regulation, to decriminalisation.

Pérez Molina’s view is that “to suggest liberalisation – allowing consumption, production and trafficking of drugs without any restriction whatsoever – would be, in my opinion, profoundly irresponsible.”

He attests that it is important “to abandon any ideological position (whether prohibition or liberalisation) and to foster a global intergovernmental dialogue based on a realistic approach – drug regulation. Drug consumption, production and trafficking should be subject to global regulations, which means that consumption and production should be legalised but within certain limits and conditions.”

Kushlick, who investigates options of drug legalisation, agrees, stating that “a shift in the global regime from prohibition to one of management of production, supply, and use would bring numerous wide-ranging benefits to Central America.”

He explains that “first, with the reduction in price following legalisation and regulation, the narcos would leave the trade, as there would no longer be the huge untaxed profits to be made. This would have the knock on effect of reducing violence as gangs stop fighting over turf.”

“It would also reduce corruption amongst law enforcement officers and government officials as the need to corrupt reduces, and the money to bribe officials disappears. It would also reduce militarisation in the region.”

Kushlick has his concerns too, especially concerning legalisation without a global shift. He strongly feels that it should be a multilateral, global concern. “There are many countries around the world that do have the infrastructure to regulate drugs perfectly well – in fact many of them already do.  For instance, half of the world’s opium poppies are grown for the legal market.”

Victoria Donda Peréz talks at the open debate held at UBA (Photo: Beatrice Murch)

From a different perspective, Victoria Donda, an Argentine politician from the Libres del Sur party who supports a move to decriminalisation instead of legalisation, agrees something has to be done. “There has been no change in statistics or in actual facts regarding the fight against drug trafficking. In fact, in most Latin American countries [traffic] has increased,” she replies, when asked on the subject.

“We think that the laws at the moment are encouraging the security forces and police to chase the consumer rather than the dealers,” she says. “The addict is a sick person and not a criminal – the law should change [to decriminalisation] and include prevention and policies in education.”

This said, she remains sceptical over whether a regulated legalisation could work, as “legalisation involves other issues like regulation of quantities and substances.” But, as part of a political party which has been looking into this issue for a while, Donda strongly points out that “this is not an option we are considering for Argentina.”

“If we eliminate the persecution against consumers, then the state and police only have to worry about chasing the drug dealers.”

And, in the Other Corner…

Prior to, and at the Summit of the Americas, amongst all the press about legalisation, US President Barack Obama and Vice President Joe Biden clearly outlined their opposition to any form of regional law against prohibition. It could be argued that, as mid-term elections are coming up, it would be simply political suicide to say anything else.

“I think it warrants a discussion,” Biden told reporters before the Summit, but confidently declaring that looking into the issue “you will only realise there are more problems with legalisation than non-legalisation.” Admitting that although drug legalisation could have positive effects – like reducing prison populations – he believes it would also lead to more drug use, health problems, and even more bureaucracies.

Small step as it is, the US is talking about drugs prevention in a way that has not been done before on top of the OAS’s mandate to look into ‘alternative methods’. And as any recovering addict knows too well, the first step is to admit you have a policy problem.

“The OAS is a US-dominated organisation and the policy review could be seen as throwing the issue into the long grass.” Kushlick warns against seeing too much in the US’s words, or the mandate. “It is crucial that we do not rely on it to deliver.” He sees the US agreement to open up a debate is more of a hope to diffuse the argument for legalisation and make it calmly go away, rather than light fire under it.

The US has to remember that large powers are looming south of the border, and its hegemonic influence in the region is waning. Many strong political figures from Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia are stepping forward offering a voice of change – the US may miss the boat to be a part of these talks. Latin American countries can, and if they gain a big enough consensus will, take action themselves.

As Kushlick points out, “the chances are that the initial moves will be taken despite, rather than because, of the US. However, it is difficult to envisage a fundamental global shift without the US coming along.”

The time for a debate is not coming. It is already here.

To know what locals think about the ‘war on drugs’ click here.

The central American country, ravaged by gang violence and organised crime, has marked an unprecedented murder-free day.

El Salvador has seen a sharp decline in its murder rate over the last three years, according to a statement issued by president Mauricio Funes on Sunday.

The curb in violence comes in the wake of the announcement made between the gangs, known as maras, last March to reduce the escalating level of crime in the country. The pact was backed by the Catholic church.

At the beginning of Funes’s term, El Salvador registered an average of 12 murders per day. But according to government data, that figure was up to 18 murders a day in the first quarter of 2012.

“Only yesterday (Saturday), after years of murder figures reaching alarming levels of 18 per day, we had not a single homicide in all the country,” stated the president during his visit to the Summit of the Americas in Cartagena, Colombia.

Funes, who took office in June 2009, has appointed 8,300 military security personnel across the country. Soldiers and police patrol high risk cities, border points and prison vicinities.

Since a truce was called between gang Mara 18 and rival Mara Salvatrucha (MS), bloodshed has abated. Oscar Armando Reyes and Carlos Alberto Rivas, two ringleaders of Mara 18, have contributed to maintaing the truce from their prison in Western El Salvador.

“Just as we have done bad things, we can do good things. I invite my hommies, my race, with hundred percent dedication, to advance this process,” said Armando Reyes during Mass in Izalco, 70km west of San Salvador.

Congregated in a basketball court inside the prison, the members of Mara 18 declared that this truce is part of a “process of mediation,” encouraged by the vicar Fabio Colindres and former guerrilla commander Raul Mijando.

The death toll has reduced to five per day, according to government data.

According to statistics from the UN, El Salvador has previously registered a crime rate of 66 per 100,000 people. Violence has been fuelled by the presence of Mexican drug cartels who use the country as a trafficking portal.