Tag Archive | "Drug trafficking"

Mexico: Drug Cartel Threatens Businesses in the State of Michoacan


The criminal group associated with drug trafficking known as the ‘Knights Templar’ has forbidden various companies from distributing their products in Mexico’s disputed Apatzingán region.

Apatzingán, Mexico is to the west of Mexico City. (Image: Google Maps)

Apatzingán, Mexico is to the west of Mexico City. (Image: Google Maps)

The group has threatened to burn trucks belonging to the food and service industries, should they operate in the region over the next three weeks.

The companies targeted by the organisation include: Sabritas, Marinela, Bimbo, and Barcel, alongside gas and cable companies, refreshment companies, breweries, and water bottling companies.

Flyers which were distributed primarily on social networking sites read, “as from today we shall make it as clear as possible that you are prohibited from supplying your products to the populations of Buenavista, La Ruana… and Tepalcatepec” and went on to specify that the ban would last between “15 and 20 days, maybe more”.

Business owners, who have yet to receive an official stance on the authenticity of the claims, have nevertheless appealed to the government for help.

The president of the business council in the province, Carlos Gálve, had this to say, “it might be that at the end of the day this is just a rumour, but it will be us, the business owners, who will discover this. Truly, we are very worried by this situation”.

Their fears are not unfounded. In May last year, armed commanders from the Knights Templar set fire to Sabritas facilities in three towns in the region and two in Guanajuato. They claimed that the company was lending its trucks to the army to enable it to carry out undercover operations.

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Colombia: Police Confiscate US$1.7m Worth of Cocaine


Cartagena Port, Colombia (photo by Pe-Sa on Wikipedia)

Cartagena Port, Colombia (photo by Pe-Sa on Wikipedia)

Colombian police confiscated 500kg of cocaine on Sunday, which they say was on route to the United States by way of Honduras.

In a press release, the Colombian Anti-Narcotic Police said they seized the drugs, disguised in bricks, at the port of Cartagena, 650km north of capital Bogota.

They say they achieved the seizure through “coordinated intelligence” which established that a drug gang had formed a construction company legally as a front. The police reported that they put a stop to the drug front before its first delivery could make it to Honduras. The police are not yet releasing the names of those involved, as the investigation is ongoing.

The large amount of cocaine would have been enough to divide into more than 500,000 doses, police said, and is valued at US$1.7m.

This comes on the heels of a US-funded anti-drug task force that was launched in Honduras on 18th March. The anti-drug effort is aimed at combating violence and money laundering.

According to the US State Department, about 40% of cocaine from South America is heading to the US and 87% of the smuggled drugs pass through Honduras.

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Former Santa Fe Police Chief Prosecuted for Drug Trafficking


Police

Police officers in the Argentina province of Santa Fe. (Photo: Facundo Fernadez)

Rosario Federal Judge Carlos Vera Berros prosecuted former Santa Fe police chief Hugo Tognoli today with respect to drug trafficking charges.

Tognoli was arrested at the end of October last year with preliminary narcotics trafficking accusations, freed two weeks later after he rejected the claims, and arrested for a second time earlier this month after failing to answer questions regarding the case.

Today’s court decision charges him of serving as an accomplice to the drug trafficking industry, and specifically of protecting Carlos Ascaíni, a businessman and alleged drug trafficker of the Santa Fe city of Villa Cañás who will also be jailed in accordance with today’s judgment.

The court issued a document along with the announced decision, charging both Tognoli and Ascaíni with “trafficking of narcotics involving the participation of two or more people.”

Today’s case deals with one particular instance involving Tognoli, Néstor Férnandaz – the ex-police chief of the city of Rosario in Santa Fe – and other accomplices. The accused allegedly used illicit means to determine that Ascaíni was being followed by investigative officials. According to a 2009 report, the police officials exchanged private database passwords to determine this after Ascaíni telephoned them regarding the issue. They alerted the businessman that he was, in fact, being watched, which reportedly gave him the time and means to avoid arrest for drug trafficking.

Despite the decision for Tognoli to remain jailed, the former Santa Fe police chief claimed today, “This earlier validation (the use of the passwords) was purely for administrative purposes, of which no sort of control was kept,” denying his involvement in using illegal methods to access official information regarding Ascaíni.

Ascaíni called the trial a “political circus created by Kirchnerists to defeat socialism [in Santa Fe]“.

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Former Santa Fe Police Chief Arrested For Drug Offences


Tognoli leaving the hearing.

Tognoli leaving the hearing.

Hugo Tognoli, former Santa Fe provincial police chief, was yesterday arrested for the second time amid accusations that he protected drug trafficking groups in Rosario, province of Santa Fe.

Judge Carlos Vera Barros took the decision after prosecutor Juan Patricio Murray requested Tognoli be arrested following a change in the charges against the former police chief.

Tognoli was arrested last November but was released after two weeks when Barros rejected the prosecution’s case against him. However, his re-arrest yesterday is likely to reignite the scandal involving alleged links between a widespread drug trafficking network and Santa Fe’s provincial police force.

Prosecutors stated that Tognoli was “accomplice to the crime of drug trafficking” with the intention to sell the illegal substances, “aggravated by organised partnership with three or more people and by his condition as a police officer.”

The original arrest, in 2012, occurred when Tognoli was still acting as provincial police chief of Santa Fe. He was questioned on charges relating to Carlos Andrés Ascaini, a local resident identified as a drug trafficker. According to the investigation, Tognoli abused his police authorisation to determine which cars were following Ascaini to alert and prevent him from being caught in possession of drugs.

“We believe the evidence gathered in this investigation is more than enough to take him to trail”, said Murray, who added that Tognoli will also be charged with “collective criminal enterprise” as the alleged crime was committed within the state.

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The Sacred Leaf: How Bolivia Is Helping Change the Anti-Drug Paradigm


Bolivia

Coca leaves in a Bolivian market in Sucre (Photo: Julyinireland, on Flickr)

It is a simple-looking leaf: dark green with a light underside, small—barely larger than a digit of Bolivian president Evo Morales’ finger. Yet for what looks like a cousin of the common bay leaf, coca inspires strong sentiments. Coca has stitched Andean society and spirituality together for so many years that the reverence it commands is hard to compare. And in an international discourse ruled by rigid adherence to narcotic prohibition, the fight to carve space for coca ignites fierce resistance.

But earlier this month, Bolivia scored a breakthrough. The UN admitted Bolivia back into the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, exempting it from the clause that criminalises coca leaf. The decision not only has major implications for coca chewers, but for Bolivia’s cultural identity and for the future of Latin American drug control policy.

The ‘Wise’ Leaf

Coca is native to the Andean region, where people have cultivated the shrub for at least five millennia—at least as far back as the Incan Empire. Nowadays, coca leaf chewing, or acullico in the Aymara indigenous language, is still a major element of Bolivian diet. Roughly 90% of Bolivians in the high plains region are regular coca chewers, according to La Paz Coca Museum founder Jorge Hurtado. Dried leaves are arranged into a packet that is placed into the mouth, sometimes supplemented by lye, sugar baking soda, or the stevia plant. The juices released by saliva are said to alleviate altitude sickness, regulate digestion, stave off the cold, and suppress appetite. But more than anything, coca chewers use it as a mild stimulant, perhaps analogous to yerba mate or coffee. Federative Bolivian Association president Alfredo Oyola describes its “very strong energy” that “keeps you sharp and awake.” He mentions that long-haul truckers use it maintain focus during hours on the road. “No one drives without being able to chew.”

'El Tío' - 'The Uncle'... give him some tobacco, alcohol, coca leaves and he will be happy. (Photo: ۞ n o m a d E s, on Flickr)

‘El Tío’ – ‘The Uncle’… give him some tobacco, alcohol, coca leaves and he will be happy. (Photo: ۞ n o m a d E s, on Flickr)

For those unacquainted with coca leaf and more familiar with its processed derivative cocaine, this might sound suspicious, but chewers insist that the leaf itself does not deserve this suspicion. Decades of studies have found no serious negative consequences associated with coca leaf chewing in Andean communities and some even reported that “nor did it seem difficult for even habitual users to abandon the practice… In no way does it unhinge your mind. In no way.” insists Oyola, who chews coca himself. “It does not make you loose your faculties of thought or anything like that. What does change you is the drug [cocaine]. I repeat: coca leaf in its natural state is not a drug.”

While coca leaf is a popular pick-me-up, the deep spiritual and social significance surrounding it gives the plant a uniquely prized role for Bolivians. “It is truly a sacred leaf,” Oyola explains. “It is something that Mother Earth has blessed us with, giving us a plant that has so many nutritive powers. Our grandparents held ceremonies before chewing, including asking permission from Mother Earth, or Pachamama, thanking her for giving us this sacred, unique coca.” Her gift wards off sleep for tired workers and also holds mystical powers. “There are many amautas [roughly 'wise master' in Quechua] who can chew coca to see someone’s future. It’s like reading cards, but with coca leaf.”

Rituals and respect pervade the social sphere as well. Oyola illustrates with an example: “If they invite me to chew coca, I could never take the coca from them with a single hand. I always have to extend both hands.” Hurtado even writes, “One could say that the coca leaf is the backbone of the cultural structure of the Andean region.”

From Plant to Powder

After the alkaloid compound cocaine was first extracted from the coca plant in 1859, coca gained a whole new set of powers. Coca leaves contain about 0.2%-1% cocaine. Yet when refined with chemicals (including ammonia, kerosene, acetone, and sulphuric acid mix), cocaine in its purer state becomes an addictive, powerful, and dangerous stimulant. Cocaine promotes euphoria, an elevated mood, high self confidence, and feelings of sexuality but it can also cause depression, heart inflammation or palpitations, bleeding in the lungs, heart attacks, strokes, seizures, brain function complications, and even death.

Making Cocaine

Making Cocaine from leaves in the jungle (Photo: Jungle_Boy, on Flickr)

In 1961, both the coca leaf and cocaine appeared on the newly convened UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs’ list of substances “susceptible to wrongful use”, alongside opium and marihuana. The Single Convention was created to unify the international anti-narcotic effort, streamlining individual treaties and codifying international anti-narcotic tactics. The Single Convention’s stipulations afforded Bolivia 25 years to eradicate its coca cultivation, but the plant never disappeared; the issue of eradication has been under dispute since the prohibition took effect in 1989.

Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia are currently the world’s three coca-producing countries, with Colombia as the most prolific and Bolivia the least at 18% in 2008, according to the UN Office on Drugs and Crime. The United States is the world’s greatest consumer of cocaine, 90% of which travels from Colombia through Central America and Mexico. Most of Peruvian and Bolivian production bound for illicit trade moves to Europe, occasionally through West Africa en route; some winds up in Brazil or Argentina.

An Exception to Every Rule

In March 2009, President Morales held a pair of small green coca leaves before the UN Commission on Narcotic Drugs, the primary body with the power to craft international drug policy. “This is the coca leaf and this is not a drug,” he declared before the powers that outlawed it as exactly that. From the podium, he placed them in his mouth, chewed, and shrugged innocently. He was on a mission to reconcile international law, which classified a treasured ancestral tradition of his people as dangerous and illegal, with the reality that coca was alive and well in his country.

His presence that day had a lot to do with the small booklet he read from: Bolivia’s newly remodelled constitution. Ratified in February 2009, it leans towards traditional indigenous sentimentalities, including the protection of acullico, to which it dedicates an entire article: “The State protects native and ancestral coca as cultural heritage, a renewable natural resource of Bolivia’s biodiversity, and a factor of social cohesion; in its natural state it is not a narcotic. The law will govern its revalorisation, production, commercialisation, and industrialisation.” The article could not have placed Bolivian law more directly in conflict with international law.

When Morales rose to power in 2006, he took the coca leaf with him. As an Aymara, Morales is his country’s first indigenous leader and as a former coca grower himself, as well as the cocalero union leader, he owed his start in the political arena to his pro-coca activism. The topic was bound to rise to the forefront.

Evo Morales

Evo Morales (Photo: Alain Bachellier, on Flickr)

In June 2009, Morales brought a proposal before the Single Convention that would have legalised coca leaf internationally (cocaine would remain prohibited), with a year and a half for consideration. An opposition bloc made out of ‘friends of the convention’, comprised of Russia, Japan, France, the United Kingdom, Germany, Italy, Sweden, and Denmark and rallied by the United States vetoed the proposal in January 2011.

Not dissuaded, Morales adopted a different tactic. The following June, Bolivia withdrew from the Single Convention, citing the prohibition of coca leaf as objectionable. In January 2012, it petitioned for re-entry upon the condition that the convention make an exception within the Bolivian territory for the practice. Although it forfeited the original proposal’s universality, this method, per UN bylaws, could only be defeated if an entire third of the 184 member states—62 in total—filed objections within one year.

The ‘friends of the convention’ rallied again, this time mustering 18 votes against, the majority of them cocaine-consuming nations, once again led by the US. Their reasoning was not directly pitted against Bolivia’s cultural heritage claim, but rather, in some ways, concern over the threat of cocaine. Graciela Touze, president of Intercambios, an organisation devoted to the study of drug-related issues, points out that US/Bolivian relations are rocky, especially since Morales expelled the US ambassador and the DEA in 2008, but even “if it had been a country politically closer to the US, I think it would have been difficult for the US to support it because it would be very contradictory to its position on the topic of drug policy.” Indeed, a senior US State department official told the Associated Press after the opposition submission deadline, “we oppose Bolivia’s reservation and continue to believe it will lead to a greater supply of cocaine.”

Yet while many official memorandums of opposition cite the cocaine trade specifically, they also mention concerns that making an exception could “weaken” reigning international anti-drug efforts. “What this really is about is the fear to acknowledge that the current treaty framework is inconsistent, out-of-date, and needs reform,” says Martin Jelsma, coordinator of the Transnational Institute’s Drugs and Democracy programme. “Fundamentally, it had to do with not touching the conventions,” explains Touze. “One has to think of many countries’ opposition in terms of not wanting to open any possible gap that implies a revision of the current drug policy.”

Allowing Coca, Allowing Debate

Yet the bloc fell far short of threatening Bolivia’s readmission. On 11th January, it was official: the international community would recognise acullico’s legitimacy within Bolivian borders.

Bolivian Coca Growers Celebrate the United Nations Accepting The Chewing of Coca Leaf

Bolivian Coca Growers Celebrate the United Nations Accepting The Chewing of Coca Leaf (Photo: Matthew Straubmuller, on Flickr)

Upon hearing the news, Bolivians marched in the streets beneath Andean indigenous flags, wads of coca leaves in their mouths. Because UN enforcement of coca chewing would be unrealistic, the triumph is largely symbolic, but it is by no means insignificant. “I don’t think it will have any effect on illegal markets, on the production, distribution, trade, consumption of cocaine,” says Touze. “What could occur in the future is that what Bolivia has initiated becomes a precedent that allows us to stop looking at the conventions as sacred books that cannot be revised and open a debate regarding what to do about the drug problem.”

John Walsh, director of the Washington Office on Latin America drug policy program, echoes her thoughts: “Far from undermining the system, Bolivia has given the world a promising example that it is possible to correct historic errors and to adapt old drug control dogmas to today’s new realities.”

It also signals a possible power shift in the drug control arena away from prohibition philosophies and their proponents towards a more open discourse. “I can’t stress enough how big this is,” says Walsh. “Once again, the US snapped its fingers and told the rest of the world to get in line and oppose Bolivia’s move. But this time, while the UK joined them, most of the rest of the world just said, ‘no, thanks’.”

Touze thinks Bolivia’s coca victory is a signal that the dominant anti-drug discourse may be loosening.  “It seems to me that in this sense, Bolivia has inserted a wedge that can favour, sometimes in such closed fields as international organisations, a debate opening.” She mentions Colombia, Mexico, and Guatemala’s successful joint bid for a special drug policy session to be held in 2016 as an example that although “everything is very slow, everything is difficult”, within the realms of international organisations like the UN, “many other parts of the world are watching Latin America as a region that at least is starting to ask for a debate, to ask for reflection.”

The coca leaf has once again proved to hold extraordinary powers. It reenergises, induces highs, seduces to the point of addiction, and now it may have cracked a steadfast international anti-drug doctrine. At worst, Bolivia’s coca victory might erode drug trade limits, but as an example of more flexible policy-making, it may also make way for innovative advancements in international anti-narcotic efforts.

 

Click here to find out what Argentines and Latin Americans think about the UN’s recognition of coca leaf chewing in Bolivia.

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What do you think of the UN’s recognition of chewing coca leaves in Bolivia?


On 11th January, Bolivia won readmission to the United Nations Convention on Narcotic Drugs when the organisation voted to recognise the chewing of coca leaves as a legal, cultural practice in the Andean country.

The UN’s decision, which came after much campaigning by Bolivian president Evo Morales, was seen by many as a victory for the Andean people who have been cultivating and using the leaf for years as a stimulant, remedy to altitude sickness, and component of religious ceremonies. Critics of the legal recognition of coca worry that the plant will find its way to neighbouring countries in the processed form of cocaine, or paco.

The Argentina Independent asked Latin Americans from Argentina and abroad to share their opinions. 

Photos by Tomas Guarna

Juan L. Castañeda, 35, Audio Technician, Venezuela 

Juan-Castaneda

   They [Bolivians] have been chewing coca for many years, as well as Peruvians, they’ve been doing it for a long time. It’s a cultural situation more so than just drug use. I believe it’s fine, and that UN recognition is a success for the country. Chewing coca, as much in Peru as in Bolivia, is necessary to survive at that altitude. It could be [that Bolivian coca is used to produce cocaine], but you’re talking to someone that approves of the legalisation of drugs. Legalisation could eliminate the business aspect that leads to illicit activities. I’m against it being an illegal business in the hands of just a few, when it could be something legal and regulated by the governments of each country, the same way they regulate and sell tobacco, alcohol, and medicines, which are all drugs.

Iliana Prieto, 41, Psychologist, Jujuy 

Iliana-Prieto

I believe the leaf is something cultural, they consume the coca leaf, they don’t consume cocaine because the leaf is used in its pure state. Cocaine undergoes a sophisticated process that’s done in the United States, it’s them who process cocaine, not the Bolivians. Unfortunately, drug trafficking happens all over the world, but the principal market is in the United States, and what they want is to maintain that market. For that reason they demonise personal consumption in order to maintain their own business. 

 

Elias Callisaya Alcon, 21, Produce Vendor, Bolivia

Elias-Callisaya-Alcon Coca is like a medicine, and that’s how people use it. But if an excessive amount is produced, the majority of it will be converted into drugs. That’s what’s already happened in Bolivia. I’m from Bolivia, from Cochabamba, and that’s where most of it is produced and marketed. So whether or not it should be legal, I say no, that would just lead people to consume it more. 

Elsa Rodriguez, 71, Podiatrist, Almagro

Elsa-Rodriguez

The indigenous people of Bolivia have always chewed coca, they’ve been doing it for many years. I believe that in Bolivia, the chewing of the coca leaf doesn’t have any unnatural chemicals. But when it comes here and it’s sold to young people, it comes prepared as a drug, it has undergone a chemical process. And from here it goes to Europe, to wherever, because the government doesn’t have much control. There’s a lot of death in Argentina, murders, robberies that have to do with drugs, because addicts who depend on the drugs will resort to robbery or killing. 

Max Abella, 22, Administration Student, Caballito 

Max-Abella

I’m not against this, it seems fine to me, because the coca leaf is really not that serious. It’s natural, and it’s a part of the culture there. I support the decision, but if you’re going to legalise the chewing of coca, you should also put in place a system that is in charge of overseeing the process and making sure it is not used to produce cocaine, there have to be people checking and controlling it so that a drug market doesn’t develop.

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Bolivia: Morales Launches 2013 Coca Eradication Campaign


President Evo Morales gave a speech marking the launch of the coca eradication 2013 campaign, praising its focus on human rights.

“In Bolivia we have a different model to fight against drug trafficking,” he said, adding that he hopes the “Joint Task Force (FTC) will demonstrate once again, to Bolivians and the people of the world, that with dignity and sovereignty we contribute better to the fight against drugs”.

His speech was held in Chimoré, in the region of Chapare, known for its cultivation of coca plants, in front of an FTC contingent.

The FTC will count on more than 2,000 soldiers whose task will be to destroy “a minimum of 5,000 hectares of coca plantations” by the end of the year. However, in recent years these targets have been largely surpassed with over 10,000 hectares destroyed.

This increase in results has coincided with the “nationalisation” of the struggle against cocaine production with the refusal of United States’ participation and the expulsion of the DEA in 2009.

Man holding a Coca leaf, Bolivia (Marcello Casal Jr., Wikimedia)

“Before this eradication task, with coca zero policies, was handled by external agents, specifically the United States, and brought no results. If it did bring any results, it was the violation of human rights and of our sovereignty,” Morales said.

Larry Memmott, Charge d’Affaires of the Embassy of the United States in Bolivia, has praised Morales’ policies and called the results in recent years “impressive”.

“We estimate a net reduction of 13% [of illegal coca plantations in 2012],” Memmott said.

The new policy put in place by Morales’ government tolerates a certain type of coca cultivation, called acullico. Acullico is a small ball of coca leaves mashed together and placed in the mouth to chew on. It is a traditional part of Bolivian culture and is believed to help with altitude sickness and digestion.

According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Bolivia has eradicated over 36,000 hectares of illegal cocaine plantations since 2009.

Morales’ campaign counts with the support of 168 UN countries and has led Bolivia to regain its place among the countries abiding by the Vienna Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs.

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Peru: Law Bans Former Convicts from Schools and Universities Staff


Men and women convicted of terrorism, sexual violence, or drug trafficking offences, will be banned from teaching in public and private schools in Peru.

“The law establishes extraordinary measures for teaching and administrative staff in schools, universities, and other superior educations centres, public and private, convicted or implicated in offences of justifying or supporting terrorism, against sexual liberty, and drug trafficking,” read the official statement released by the government. The statement also established that those concerned would be “be permanently separated and prevented from service in educational institutions public and private, including Police and Military schools.”

The law was unanimously approved by the Peruvian congress and therefore bypassed the usually necessary second vote. The law also proposes to create a register with the names of those convicted for the offences considered by the law.

Deputy Marisol Pérez Tello, who is president of the Commission for Justice and Human Rights said that the Ministry of Education had 30 days to make sure that none of the schools and education institutions currently employ people convicted for the crimes in question.

“It is a very important step for the Justice Commission to stop teachers from using the dependence students have to them to promote the folly of terrorism in young people,” explained Pérez Tello.

The Peruvian congress will also debate in the next few days on the Denial Law, that would establish prison sentences for people denying the crimes committed by the Shining Path guerrilla during the last decades of the 20th century. The issue has been on the political and legislative agenda in the last few months after the Movement for Amnesty and Fundamental Rights (Movadef), a group close to the Shining Path, demanding the amnesty of those involved in the civil war between Shining Path and the government in view of a return of the organisation to politics.

The state backed Commission on Truth and Reconciliation (CVR), created in 2001, had released in its final report in 2003 that Shining Path was responsible of over half of the 70 000 known victims of the conflict.

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Brazil: 60 Police Arrested for Drug Trafficking, Corruption


60 police officers were arrested yesterday in Rio de Janeiro for allegedly accepting bribes from local criminal gangs to turn a blind eye towards drug trafficking in the city’s favelas, or slums. Weekly bribes ranged from 1,500-2,500 reales, or about US$700-$1,200.

Dubbed “Purification”, the operation was carried out by the State Secretary of Public Security with the assistance of the Public Ministry and Federal Police.

The arrests began early yesterday morning in the working class city of Duque de Caxias, which forms part of greater Rio de Janeiro. The officers, many of whom belong to the 15th Battalion based in Duque de Caxias, are charged with illicit association, drugs and arms trafficking, active corruption, passive corruption, and extortion.

Officers are accused of kidnapping known drug dealers and their family members and holding them for ransom. They are also believed to have sold weapons to members of the Red Command, Rio’s largest criminal gang.

“We will not accept corruption in our organisation”, said Police Chief for the State of Rio de Janeiro Erir Ribeiro Costa Filho. “They will all be expelled.”

Eleven suspected Red Command drug traffickers were also arrested in the operation. Twelve other drug traffickers and police believed to be involved are currently being sought by the authorities. Duque de Caxias police commander Claudio de Lucas Lima was fired, though it is unknown if he was involved in the web of corruption.

“For the amount of officers involved, there was no control to prevent these things from happening”, said Costa Filho. “If Lucas Lima didn’t try to uncover it, he made a mistake.”

This purging of the authorities is the second phase in a strategy aimed at confronting crime and violence in Brazil’s largest cities and restoring citizen’s faith in the police force, which is largely viewed by the populace as corrupt. Since 2008, authorities have been occupying favelas and establishing centres known as Police Pacification Stations. There are currently 28 such stations in Rio’s roughly 500 favelas, a number which could increase to 40 by 2014 the year in which Brazil will host the FIFA world cup, and two years before it will host the Olympics.

State Secretary of Public Security José Mariano Beltrame is considered the architect of the initiative. “We cannot resolve this problem alone, without the help of the police and the courts”, he said. “It is a fight between good and evil.”

While other large cities such as Sao Paulo have seen an increase in crime, the rate of homicides in Rio is down, with 10.9 homicides per 100,000 residents in the first half of 2012, compared with 36.2 in 2009, according to La Nación.

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Brazil: São Paulo Police Cracks Down During a Wave of Killings


São Paulo’s military police launched “Operation Saturation” on Monday, designed to crack down on drug trafficking, robberies, and assaults in and around the city’s largest favela, Paraisópolis. The campaign comes during a bloody wave of violence for Brazil’s largest city, during which police officers have been especially affected; some say the prison-based criminal organization, First Capital Command (PCC), is responsible for the officers’ deaths.

The southern neighbourhood of 80,000 residents has since been subject to heavy surveillance, including searches and horseback patrols, by 600 heavily armed military police officers. “The object is to face organized crime, to destroy its structure,” explained mayor Alexandre Gasparian, who oversaw the mission. The one-month operation will extend through other favelas as well.

So far, the operation has yielded 17 arrests and confiscated 170 kilograms of marijuana, ten kilograms of cocaine, 50 packets of synthetic drugs, five illegal firearms, and ammunition. The police have also discovered what they say is a 15-metre tunnel connecting several homes-turned-cocaine-refineries.

Suspicious documents have also been seized, including a letter instructing its addressee to make retaliation murders and a list of names, which some believe to be a death list for police officer victims. Authorities are investigating whether those names are actually those of military police officers and for what purposes they would have been used.

Crime is a charged topic in São Paulo’s as it copes with a bloody wave of killings, many of them of military police officers. With 144 deaths, September’s city homicide rate was more than double that of the previous month. At least 40 have died since Thursday alone, according to the Security Secretary, many of them by armed men in cars or motorcycles. In the past year, 98 police officers have been killed, most of them while off duty. Those killings have been followed by shootings of individuals suspected to be linked to robberies and drug trafficking, which the victims’ family members claim were acts of revenge from military police.

Lucas Tavares, spokesperson for the São Paulo city police, which investigated those crimes, says that Operation Saturation is not a reaction to the surge in violence. Rather, it was based on intelligence that indicated that criminals, weapons, and drugs were located in the favela. “It’s one of those operations that the military of police conducts periodically and it doesn’t have anything to do with the recent wave of murders. There will be more actions of this kind in the next few days.” However, on Monday, state Security Secretary Antonio Ferreira Pinto said that some of the police killings were instigated in Paraisópolis.

The press has suggested that the operation is linked to a power struggle between the military police and the PCC. The organization, which trafficked drugs and supported families of the incarcerated, arose in the 1990s. Some sources say it is the largest organized crime entity in Brazil and poses the greatest threat to the Sao Paulo police.

Law enforcement authorities deny that it holds any power at that scale. In an interview with Folha de São Paulo, Ferreira Pinto denied that more than 1,300 members working in 123 Brazilian cities. “The faction is much smaller than what they say. They don’t even have 30 or 40 individuals, who were imprisoned long ago and dedicate themselves to selling drugs. We have drowned that traffic with huge arrests.”  Ferreira Pinto added that there is no proof of any link to between police killings and the PCC.

Among the detainees is Edson “Nene” Santos, 31, a suspected PCC member and assistant to Francisco Antonio Cesario da Silva, “Piauí”, an incarcerated drug lord who Tavares insists has no proved association with the PCC.

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