Photo courtesy of Centro Cooperativo Sueco (SCC)
On 28th June, the Honduran president, Manuel Zelaya was woken up by 200 soldiers of his own army and was forced into exile in Costa Rica.
Zelaya had that day planned to hold a non-binding consultation to ask people whether they supported moves to change the constitution.
Later that day, Roberto Micheletti, head of Congress, and constitutionally second in line to the presidency, was installed as de-facto leader. He justified Zelaya’s forced exile stating the president had been seeking re-election, something the president has repeatedly denied.
During two months after his removal, Zelaya twice attempted to return to his country. On 5th July, he tried to fly to Tegucigalpa but his plane was blocked from landing by the military. On the ground, clashes between Micheletti’s troops and supporters left one person dead.
On 25th July, the ousted president made a brief symbolic crossing into Honduras from across the border the country shares with Nicaragua, where he was living in exile.
International Response
The international reaction to the coup has been to isolate the interim leadership. The Organisation of American States (OAS) demanded Mr Zelaya’s immediate reinstatement. As Micheletti’s government failed to plan a deadline to restore Zelaya to power, the OAS turned their back on Honduras. A number of Latin American countries, including Zelaya’s allies Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela, withdrew their ambassadors. All EU countries called back their diplomats. The World Bank suspended financial aid.
The reaction of the US has an important role in the conflict, as it is Honduras’s biggest trading partner. The Obama administration stressed that Zelaya is the democratically-elected president but also emphasised the fact that the crisis needs to be resolved.
“We call on all parties in Honduras to respect the constitutional order and the rule of law,” said Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. However, she did not explicitly call for Zelaya to return to power, a frequent critic of the US, saying he should try to resolve issues in talks.
Reconciliation?
Photo courtesy of Centro Cooperativo Sueco (SCC)
On 7th July Costan Rican president Oscar Arias, a Nobel peace prize winner, agreed to mediate. After talking with both sides, he drafted the San José accord, published on the 18th July. The text specifically called for Zelaya’s restitution to power. It also underlined the establishment of a reconciliation government where every party would be represented.
The agreement asked for the ousted leader to give up on the Constituent Assembly and so the change of the constitution. Arias suggested that presidential elections would be moved up from the 29th November to the last Sunday in October. The text also contained a clause that gave amnesty regarding political crimes committed during the conflict.
The Arias proposal found some favour among representatives of business in Honduras. Carlos Flores Facusse, former Honduran president, sent a fax to Arias and to the Micheletti advisors in San José suggesting they agree to the key points of the proposal. This was received by the Micheletti advisors “like being hit by a glass of cold water.”
“I’m very sorry, but the proposals that you have presented are unacceptable to the constitutional government of Honduras,” said Carlos Lopez, head of the Micheletti negotiating team. The de facto government in particular could not reconcile itself with the return of Zelaya to power.
Other attempts at agreements have also been rejected by the current leadership, despite Zelaya’s agreement to them.
Peaceful protests have continued throughout Honduras, calling for the elected president’s reinstatement. Many of these have been met with violence by the armed forces and police.
Zelaya’s Return
Photo courtesy of Centro Cooperativo Sueco (SCC)
On 21st September, Radio Globo surprised the Honduran people by claiming return of Manuel Zelaya to the Tegucigalpa. At first denied by Micheletti, it was later accepted he has sought refuge in the Brazilian embassy in capital Tegucigalpa.
The interim government respond by ordering the closure of airports and installing a curfew, while cutting the Brazilian embassy’s electricity and telecommunications. Same treatment is given to Radio Globo and Canal 36, two broadcasters supporting Manuel Zelaya.
Journalist reported that on the following day, protesters have been violently evicted by the police. The army is said to have installed devices that emit electricity waves that make a noise that destroys the ear and spreads chemicals affecting the skin.
“It was a terrible repression,” stated Congressman Marvin Ponce, who was with Zelaya in the embassy. “They don’t respect human rights. They don’t want a political dialogue.”
“It was brutal,” said resistance organiser Juan Barahona, director of El Bloque Popular. “I was outside the embassy when the police began their dispersal. Afterwards we reorganised, and marched through some of the poor neighbourhood. But the police attacked us there as well.”
Committee for Detained and Disappeared Persons of Honduras (COFADEH) alone had documented 36 injured people on that day, many bearing severe wounds from police batons. Two deaths were also reported. Congressman Ponce put the total number of wounded at 172. Independent reports indicated about 350 people were also arrested and detained in the Villa Olympica soccer stadium.
Coup supporters were also seen marching on the following days.
On 27th September, the de facto government prohibited the broadcast of any “spoken, written or televised media” through a 45-day long decree. This is supposed to avoid the spread of any information supporting Manuel Zelaya. It is especially directed towards Radio Globo and Canal 36, both strong supporters of the ousted leader.
The interim president later reconsidered the decree at the request of a Congress delegation. “This decree will be abolished in the right moment, to permit to Honduran people to take part into the elections,” he said.
Stalemate
Photo courtesy of Centro Cooperativo Sueco (SCC)
Despite numerous attempts at dialogue, Zelaya remains in the Brazilian embassy, and the de facto leadership remains in power.
Zelaya maintains civil liberties have to be returned before any attempts at dialogue can be had, and submitted a simple agenda, calling first for the agreement to the San José accords.
Roberto Micheletti shared his enthusiasm regarding this second attempt to restore democracy. “We are going to sit down, this is going forward, I have no doubt about it,” he confirmed.
At the time of writing, on 13th October the delegations have met again for further negotiations, a week after the first attempt of the OAS to solve the crisis. Zelaya’s supporters are still calling for their president’s restitution.
“This is quite hard. We don’t perceive the will to bring the constitutional order back, all they want is to dilate it, but let’s wait and see,” said Rafael Alegría, one of Zelaya’s representatives. According to them, the solution seems to be expected from the OAS and the UN who are now mediators of the conflict.
The fear seems to be that the de facto leadership are just buying time until 29th November, the scheduled date for elections. Zelaya claims any such elections would be a farce, as the current regime has shown little respect for democracy and civil liberties.
But it has, so far, been agreed that they will not been cancelled or delayed. Both parties have managed to agree to six of the 11 points of the San José Accords. They summarise in the creation of a unity government and reconciliation. Moreover, Zelaya has agreed not to call a constituent assembly if he can complete his presidential mandate, ending on 27th January 2010.
As of 13th October, Zelaya is still under the protection of the Brazilian embassy. He has given a two-day ultimatum to his restitution as president.
